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Kushner says Schumer told family friends he was going to jail

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Jared Kushner, the son-in-law and ex-adviser to former President Trump, said Sen. Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y) told his mother’s friends he was going to jail for his involvement in the 2016 election and alleged ties with Russia.

“My poor mom, I told her to stop, you know reading whatever, I said, ‘I promise you, we didn’t do anything wrong, it’s good,’” Kushner said on the Lex Fridman Podcast. “But you know, she’d call me say, well you know, ‘our friends were on the Upper East Side were talking with Chuck Schumer who says Jared’s going to jail.’”

Kushner, who is married to Trump’s daughter Ivanka, has pushed back on reports that he sought to establish a “back-channel” line of communication between Russia and the Trump campaign ahead of the 2016 election.

Kushner attended a now-infamous meeting between Donald Trump Jr., former Trump campaign chairman Paul Manafort and a woman described as a Russian government lawyer offering dirt on Hillary Clinton.

While the report from Special Counsel Robert Mueller found “sweeping and systematic” Russian interference in the 2016 election, it did not find evidence that anyone on Trump’s campaign was complicity in those efforts.

Kushner also met with Russia’s ambassador to the U.S., Sergey Kislyak, in December, shortly after Trump won the 2016 election, along with Michael Flynn, who would become Trump’s first national security adviser. Kushner and Kislyak reportedly discussed a secure communications line between the Trump transition team the the Kremlin.

Kushner said on the podcast that he didn’t take the allegations “too seriously” at first, because he felt there were “no underlying problems to the accusation.”

“I felt like this is one of those things where they’re going to try and catch you and then if you step on the line, they catch with one misrepresentation, they’re gonnna try to put you in jail or worse … and so, for me, that was a big concern,” Kushner said.

Kushner was part of investigations by the Senate intelligence and judiciary committees into questions around the Trump campaigns links with Russia.

He said he probably spent more than 20 hours testifying before different committees and spent millions of dollars “out of my own pocket” on legal fees.

“This is like a leading senator saying these things and so it was just interesting for me to see how the whole world could believe something and be talking about it that I knew with 1,000 percent certainty was just not true,” Kushner said of Schumer. “And so seeing that play out was very, very hard.”

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Jared Kushner Could Be Made Secretary of State in Second Trump Term, and No, That’s Not a Joke

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One of the funniest—“funniest”—subplots to Donald Trump’s time in the White House was the contention that his son-in-law Jared Kushner could and would bring peace to the Middle East. “If [Jared] can’t produce peace in the Middle East, nobody can,” Trump declared on the eve of his inauguration, adding, “All my life, I’ve been hearing that’s the toughest deal to make, but I have a feeling Jared is going to do a great job.” Spoiler alert: Jared did not do a great job, and that’s despite reading “25 books” on the matter, which as he suggested in January of 2020 made him a bona fide expert. Instead, Kushner:

  • Laid out an “economic vision” for peace in the region that garnered such reviews, from actual Middle East experts, as “The authors of the plan clearly understand nothing” and “[This] is the Monty Python sketch of Israeli-Palestinian peace initiatives…. Leaving aside that this reads like an investment prospectus for a project that an intern conceived of a week ago, literally none of it is actionable.”
  • Enlisted WeWork founder Adam Neumann to help “produce a slick video…that would showcase what an economically transformed West Bank and Gaza would look like,” which Kushner showed at a conference in Bahrain after his widely panned economic plan was laid out.
  • Came up with the Abraham Accords, which established formal relations between Israel, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates—three countries that already had significant ties, and were not at war—and, per The Guardian, “made little mention of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.”
  • Wildly claimed that the Abraham Accords “exposed the [Israel-Palestinian] conflict as nothing more than a real-estate dispute.”
  • Proclaimed, “We are witnessing the last vestiges of what has been known as the Arab-Israeli conflict” and basically declared, “mission accomplished.”

Except, y’know, not so much. Nevertheless, on Tuesday, in an article about the people who could make up Trump’s cabinet in a potential second term, Axios reported this insane news, sourced to people who “talk often” with Trump:

Jared Kushner, who was a huge power center in Trump’s West Wing, has mostly kept his distance from the campaign so far—but might well return to the White House if his father-in-law wins again, with a continued interest in Middle East policy.

But wait, it gets worse:

Because Kushner would be talking with Trump’s authority to world leaders anyway, one option would be secretary of state.

Over the summer, Gabriel Sherman reported that while Kushner and Ivanka Trump were unlikely to join the campaign, the former first son-in-law might well join the administration. “Now that the president is 40 points ahead, of course Jared is pretending he’s involved. If he’s president again, Jared needs to protect his turf, especially in the Middle East,” a former Trump administration official said. While Kushner himself declined to comment, a source familiar with his thinking told Sherman: “Jared thinks the team running the campaign is doing a terrific job and has zero intention to get involved. He is laser-focused on his family and on growing his business.”

Speaking of Kushner’s business, that, in addition to his no-good, very-bad job concerning the Middle East, would be high on the list of reasons he shouldn’t be made secretary of state, or even the assistant to the assistant to the assistant secretary of state. As The New York Times reported last year, shortly after leaving the White House, Kushner’s newly formed private-equity firm received a $2 billion check from Saudi Arabia’s sovereign wealth fund, whose board happens to be led by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (i.e., the guy Kushner reportedly urged Trump to support following the murder and dismemberment of Saudi dissident and US resident Jamal Khashoggi under the assumption that the situation would blow over).

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Exclusive Interview: How Jared Kushner Won Trump The White House

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Jared Kushner (Jamel Toppin for Forbes)

It’s been one week since Donald Trump pulled off the biggest upset in modern political history, and his headquarters at Trump Tower in New York City is a 58-story, onyx-glassed lightning rod. Barricades, TV trucks and protesters frame a fortified Fifth Avenue. Armies of journalists and selfie-seeking tourists stalk Trump Tower’s pink marble lobby, hoping to snap the next political power player who steps into view. Twenty-six floors up, in the same building where washed-up celebrities once battled for Trump’s blessing on The Apprentice, the president-elect is choosing his Cabinet, and this contest contains all the twists and turns of his old reality show.

Winners will emerge shortly. But today’s focus is on the biggest loser: New Jersey governor Chris Christie, who has just been fired from his role leading the transition, along with most of the people associated with him. The episode is being characterized as a “knife fight” that ends in a “Stalinesque purge.”

The most compelling figure in this intrigue, however, wasn’t in Trump Tower. Jared Kushner was three blocks south, high up in his own skyscraper, at 666 Fifth Avenue, where he oversees his family’s Kushner Companies real estate empire. Trump’s son-in-law, dressed in an impeccably tailored gray suit, sitting on a brown leather couch in his impeccably neat office, displays the impeccably polite manners that won the 35-year-old a dizzying number of influential friends even before he had gained the ear, and trust, of the new leader of the free world.

“Six months ago Governor Christie and I decided this election was much bigger than any differences we may have had in the past, and we worked very well together,” he says with a shrug. “The media has speculated on a lot of different things, and since I don’t talk to the press, they go as they go, but I was not behind pushing out him or his people.”

The speculation was well-founded, given the story’s Shakespearean twist: As a U.S. attorney in 2005, Christie jailed Kushner’s father on tax evasion, election fraud and witness tampering charges. Revenge theories aside, the buzz around Kushner was directional and indicative. A year ago he had zero experience in politics and about as much interest in it. Suddenly he sits at its global center. Whether he plunged the dagger into Christie–Trump insiders insist the Bridgegate scandal did him in–is less important than the fact that he easily could have. And that power comes well-earned.

Kushner almost never speaks publicly–his chats with FORBES mark the first time he has talked about the Trump campaign or his role in it–but interviews with him and a dozen people around him and the Trump camp lead to an inescapable fact: The quiet, enigmatic young mogul delivered the presidency to the most fame-hungry, bombastic candidate in American history.

“It’s hard to overstate and hard to summarize Jared’s role in the campaign,” says billionaire Peter Thiel, the only significant Silicon Valley figure to publicly back Trump. “If Trump was the CEO, Jared was effectively the chief operating officer.”

“Jared Kushner is the biggest surprise of the 2016 election,” adds Eric Schmidt, the former CEO of Google, who helped design the Clinton campaign’s technology system. “Best I can tell, he actually ran the campaign and did it with essentially no resources.”

No resources at the beginning, perhaps. Underfunded throughout, for sure. But by running the Trump campaign–notably, its secret data operation–like a Silicon Valley startup, Kushner eventually tipped the states that swung the election. And he did so in manner that will change the way future elections will be won and lost. President Obama had unprecedented success in targeting, organizing and motivating voters. But a lot has changed in eight years. Specifically social media. Clinton did borrow from Obama’s playbook but also leaned on traditional media. The Trump campaign, meanwhile, delved into message tailoring, sentiment manipulation and machine learning. The traditional campaign is dead, another victim of the unfiltered democracy of the Web–and Kushner, more than anyone not named Donald Trump, killed it.

That achievement, coupled with the personal trust Trump has in him, uniquely positions Kushner to be a power broker of the highest order for at least four years. “Every president I’ve ever known has one or two people he intuitively and structurally trusts,” says former secretary of state Henry Kissinger, who has known Trump socially for decades and is currently advising the president-elect on foreign policy issues. “I think Jared might be that person.”

JARED KUSHNER’S ASCENT from Ivanka Trump’s little-known husband to Donald Trump’s campaign savior happened gradually. In the early days of the scrappy campaign, it was all hands on deck, with Kushner helping research policy positions on tax and trade. But as the campaign gained steam, other players began using him as a trusted conduit to an erratic candidate. “I helped facilitate a lot of relationships that wouldn’t have happened otherwise,” Kushner says, adding that people felt safe speaking with him, without risk of leaks. “People were being told in Washington that if they did any work for the Trump campaign, they would never be able to work in Republican politics again. I hired a great tax-policy expert who joined under two conditions: We couldn’t tell anybody he worked for the campaign, and he was going to charge us double.”

Kushner’s role expanded as the Trump ticket gained traction–so did his enthusiasm. Kushner went all-in with Trump last November after seeing his father-in-law pack a raucous arena in Springfield, Illinois, on a Monday night. “People really saw hope in his message,” he says. “They wanted the things that wouldn’t have been obvious to a lot of people I would meet in the New York media world, the Upper East Side or at Robin Hood [Foundation] dinners.” And so this Harvard-educated child of privilege put on a bright-red Make American Great Again hat and rolled up his sleeves.

A power vacuum awaited him at Trump Tower. When FORBES visited the Trump campaign floor in the skyscraper a few weeks before Kushner’s Springfield epiphany, there was literally nothing there. No people–and no desks or chairs or computers awaiting the arrival of staffers. Just campaign manager Corey Lewandowski, spokesperson Hope Hicks and a strategy that centered on Trump making headline-grabbing statements, often by calling in to television shows, supplemented by a rally once or twice a week to provide the appearance of a traditional campaign. It was the epitome of the super-light startup: to see how little they could spend and still get the results they wanted.

Kushner stepped up to turn it into an actual campaign operation. Soon he was assembling a speech and policy team, handling Trump’s schedule and managing the finances. “Donald kept saying, ‘I don’t want people getting rich off the campaign, and I want to make sure we are watching every dollar just like we would do in business.'”

That structure provided a baseline, though still a blip compared with Hillary Clinton’s state-by-state machine. The decision that won Trump the presidency started on the return trip from that Springfield rally last November aboard his private 757, dubbed Trump Force One. Chatting over McDonald’s Filet-O-Fish sandwiches, Trump and Kushner talked about how the campaign was underutilizing social media. The candidate, in turn, asked his son-in-law to take over his Facebook initiatives.

Despite his itchy Twitter finger, Trump is a Luddite. He reportedly gets his news from print and television, and his version of e-mail is to handwrite a note that his assistant will scan and attach. Among those in his close circle, Kushner was the natural pick to create a modern campaign. Yes, like Trump he’s primarily a real estate guy, but he had invested more broadly, including in media (in 2006 he bought the New York Observer) and digital commerce (he helped launch Cadre, an online marketplace for big real estate deals). More important, he knew the right crowd: co-investors in Cadre include Thiel and Alibaba’s Jack Ma–and Kushner’s younger brother, Josh, a formidable venture capitalist who also cofounded the $2.7 billion insurance unicorn Oscar Health.

Jared Kushner: The FORBES cover storyJamel Toppin for Forbes

“I called some of my friends from Silicon Valley, some of the best digital marketers in the world, and asked how you scale this stuff,” Kushner says. “They gave me their subcontractors.”

At first Kushner dabbled, engaging in what amounted to a beta test using Trump merchandise. “I called somebody who works for one of the technology companies that I work with, and I had them give me a tutorial on how to use Facebook micro-targeting,” Kushner says. Synched with Trump’s blunt, simple messaging, it worked. The Trump campaign went from selling $8,000 worth of hats and other items a day to $80,000, generating revenue, expanding the number of human billboards–and proving a concept. In another test, Kushner spent $160,000 to promote a series of low-tech policy videos of Trump talking straight into the camera that collectively generated more than 74 million views.

By June the GOP nomination secured, Kushner took over all data-driven efforts. Within three weeks, in a nondescript building outside San Antonio, he had built what would become a 100-person data hub designed to unify fundraising, messaging and targeting. Run by Brad Parscale, who had previously built small websites for the Trump Organization, this secret back office would drive every strategic decision during the final months of the campaign. “Our best people were mostly the ones who volunteered for me pro bono,” Kushner says. “People from the business world, people from nontraditional backgrounds.”

Kushner structured the operation with a focus on maximizing the return for every dollar spent. “We played Moneyball, asking ourselves which states will get the best ROI for the electoral vote,” Kushner says. “I asked, How can we get Trump’s message to that consumer for the least amount of cost?” FEC filings through mid-October indicate the Trump campaign spent roughly half as much as the Clinton campaign did.

Kushner and his father-in-law Donald Trump, America’s President-Elect. (Photo: Taylor Hill/Getty… [+] Images)

Just as Trump’s unorthodox style allowed him to win the Republican nomination while spending far less than his more traditional opponents, Kushner’s lack of political experience became an advantage. Unschooled in traditional campaigning, he was able to look at the business of politics the way so many Silicon Valley entrepreneurs have sized up other bloated industries.

Television and online advertising? Small and smaller. Twitter and Facebook would fuel the campaign, as key tools for not only spreading Trump’s message but also targeting potential supporters, scraping massive amounts of constituent data and sensing shifts in sentiment in real time.

“We weren’t afraid to make changes. We weren’t afraid to fail. We tried to do things very cheaply, very quickly. And if it wasn’t working, we would kill it quickly,” Kushner says. “It meant making quick decisions, fixing things that were broken and scaling things that worked.”

This wasn’t a completely raw startup. Kushner’s crew was able to tap into the Republican National Committee’s data machine, and it hired targeting partners like Cambridge Analytica to map voter universes and identify which parts of the Trump platform mattered most: trade, immigration or change. Tools like Deep Root drove the scaled-back TV ad spending by identifying shows popular with specific voter blocks in specific regions–say, NCIS for anti-ObamaCare voters or The Walking Dead for people worried about immigration. Kushner built a custom geo-location tool that plotted the location density of about 20 voter types over a live Google Maps interface.

Soon the data operation dictated every campaign decision: travel, fundraising, advertising, rally locations–even the topics of the speeches. “He put all the different pieces together,” Parscale says. “And what’s funny is the outside world was so obsessed about this little piece or that, they didn’t pick up that it was all being orchestrated so well.”

For fundraising they turned to machine learning, installing digital marketing companies on a trading floor to make them compete for business. Ineffective ads were killed in minutes, while successful ones scaled. The campaign was sending more than 100,000 uniquely tweaked ads to targeted voters each day. In the end, the richest person ever elected president, whose fundraising effort was rightly ridiculed at the beginning of the year, raised more than $250 million in four months–mostly from small donors.

As the election barreled toward its finale, Kushner’s system, with its high margins and up-to-the-minute voter data, provided both ample cash and the insight on where to spend it. When the campaign registered the fact that momentum in Michigan and Pennsylvania was turning Trump’s way, Kushner unleashed tailored TV ads, last-minute rallies and thousands of volunteers to knock on doors and make phone calls.

And until the final days of the campaign, he did all this without anyone on the outside knowing about it. For those who can’t understand how Hillary Clinton could win the popular vote by at least 2 million yet lose handily in the electoral college, perhaps this provides some clarity. If the campaign’s overarching sentiment was fear and anger, the deciding factor at the end was data and entrepreneurship.

“Jared understood the online world in a way the traditional media folks didn’t. He managed to assemble a presidential campaign on a shoestring using new technology and won. That’s a big deal,” says Schmidt, the Google billionaire. “Remember all those articles about how they had no money, no people, organizational structure? Well, they won, and Jared ran it.”

CONTROLLED, UNDERSTATED and calm, Jared Kushner couldn’t be more different from his father-in-law in personality and style. Take Twitter. While Trump’s impulsive tweeting to his 15.5 million followers reportedly forced his staff to withhold his phone during parts of the campaign, Kushner–who has had a verified account since April 2009–has never posted a single tweet.

And whereas Trump’s office is wall-to-wall Donald, a memorabilia-stuffed shrine to ego, the headquarters for the Kushner Companies is sparse and sober. A leather-bound copy of Jewish teachings, the Pirkei Avot, sits on a wooden pedestal in the reception room, and identical silver mezuzahs adorn the side of each office door. The only decoration in his large, terraced boardroom is an oil painting of his grandparents, Holocaust survivors who immigrated to the U.S. after World War II. But enter Kushner’s corner office and you see–under a painting with the words “Don’t Panic” over a canvas of New York Observer pages–two critical commonalities that unite the pair: columns of real estate deal trophies and framed photos of Ivanka. If you are looking for a consistent ideology from either Kushner or Trump, it can be summarized in a word: family.

Kushner and his wife, businesswoman Ivanka Trump. (Photo: Mark Wilson/Getty Images)

Jared and Ivanka met at a business lunch and started dating in 2007. During the courtship Kushner had met Donald only a few times in passing when, sensing the relationship was getting serious, he asked Trump for a meeting. Over lunch at the Trump Grill (which Trump briefly made a household name with his infamous taco bowl tweet), they discussed the couple’s future. “I said, ‘Ivanka and I are getting serious, and we’re starting to go down that path,'” Kushner says and laughs.

“He said, ‘You’d better be serious on this.'”

“Jared and my father initially bonded over a combination of me and real estate,” Ivanka Trump says in her Trump Tower offices as dark-suited Secret Service agents stand watch in the halls. “There’s a lot of parallels between Jared as a developer and my father in the early years of his development career.”

Like Trump, Kushner grew up outside Manhattan: New Jersey in Kushner’s case, versus Trump’s Queens. Also like Trump, Kushner is the son of a man who created a real estate empire in his local market–Charles Kushner eventually controlled 25,000 apartments across the Northeast–and steeped his children in the family business. “My father never really believed in summer camp, so we’d come with him to the office,” Kushner says. “We’d go look at jobs, work on construction sites. It taught us real work.” Raised with three siblings in an observant Jewish home in Livingston, New Jersey, Kushner went to a private Jewish high school and then to Harvard (a 2006 book about college admissions would later single out Kushner as a prime example of how children of wealthy donors get preferential treatment; administrators quoted within that work later challenged its accuracy, calling it “distorted” and “false”). Next came New York University, for a joint J.D. and M.B.A.

His father was a huge supporter of Democrats, giving $1 million to the Democratic National Committee in 2002 and $90,000 to Hillary Clinton’s Senate run in 2000, and Jared largely followed suit, with more than $60,000 to Democratic committees and $11,000 to Clinton. During grad school Kushner interned for Manhattan’s longtime district attorney, Robert Morgenthau, before a family scandal upended his life. In 2004 Charles Kushner pleaded guilty to tax evasion, illegal campaign contributions and witness tampering. The latter charge brought national tabloid attention. Angry that his brother-in-law was talking to prosecutors, Charles had paid a prostitute to entrap him–a tryst that he secretly taped and then mailed to his sister.

Just 24, Jared, as the elder son, suddenly found himself charged with keeping the family together. He saw his mother most days and flew to Alabama to visit his father in prison on most weekends. He also developed a deeper bond with his brother, Josh, who had just started Harvard when the scandal broke. Says Josh, who considers Jared his best friend: “He is the person that I turn to for guidance and support no matter the circumstance.”

“The whole thing taught me not to worry about the things you can’t control,” Kushner says. “You can control how you react and can try to make things happen as you want them to. I focus on doing my best to ensure the outcomes. And when it doesn’t go my way I have to work harder the next time.”

That applied to the family business, too, which Kushner now led. To start fresh, he took aim at Manhattan, just as Trump did 40 years before, determined to play in America’s most lucrative and competitive real estate market.

The timing couldn’t have been worse. His first big purchase as CEO of the Kushner Companies, 666 Fifth, for a record-breaking $1.8 billion, closed in 2007–just in time for the financial crisis. Rents fell, leases broke, funding vanished. To stay solvent, Kushner sold 49% of the building’s retail space to the Carlyle Group and others for $525 million and seemingly restructured every loan agreement possible, showing a willingness to pay more down the road for room to breathe in the short term. In the end he avoided the kind of bankruptcy maneuvers that Trump pulled in the 1990s and weathered the storm.

Kushner had learned a lesson. Rather than chase top-dollar, blue-chip addresses around New York, he would try to ride up with cooler, up-and-coming neighborhoods, which he has done to the tune of $14 billion worth of acquisitions and developments, in places like Manhattan’s SoHo and East Village and Brooklyn’s Dumbo. “Jared brings a youthful perspective, an innovative mind-set, to a very traditional industry that’s comprised of predominantly 70-year-old men,” Ivanka Trump says. He has also pushed into resurgent areas–Astoria, Queens, and Journal Square in Jersey City–that were once the stomping grounds of Fred Trump and Charles Kushner, respectively.

PART OF THE REASON Jared Kushner has engendered such public interest, besides the power he suddenly wields and the curiosity generated by his near-invisible media presence, is the paradoxes that he represents.

He brought the Silicon Valley ethos, which values openness and inclusiveness, to a campaign that promised closed borders, trade protection and religious exclusion. He is the scion of prodigious Democratic donors yet steered a Republican presidential campaign. A grandson of Holocaust survivors who serves a man who has advocated a ban on war refugees. A fact-driven lawyer whose chosen candidate called global warming a hoax, linked vaccines to autism and challenged President Obama’s citizenship. A media mogul in a campaign stoked by fake news. A devout Jew advising a president-elect embraced by the alt-right and supported by the KKK.

Kushner’s answers to these conflicts come down to one core conviction–his unflagging faith in Donald Trump. A faith that, ironically, given his role in the campaign, he defends with the “data” he’s accumulated about the man over a decade-plus relationship.

“If I know somebody and everyone else says that this person’s a terrible person,” he says, “I’m not going to start thinking that this person’s a terrible person or disassociating myself, when my empirical data and experience is a lot more informed than many of the people casting these judgments. What would that say about me if I changed my view based on what other people think, as opposed to the facts that I actually know for myself?”

Regarding Trump’s worldview: “I don’t think it’s very controversial in an election to become the president of the United States to say that your position is to put America first and to be nationalist as opposed to a globalist.”

As for Trump’s endless stream of statements that insulted and threatened Muslims, Mexicans, women, prisoners of war and U.S. generals, among others? “I just know a lot of the things that people try to attack him with are just not true or overblown or exaggerations. I know his character. I know who he is, and I obviously would not have supported him if I thought otherwise. If the country gives him a chance, they’ll find he won’t tolerate hateful rhetoric or behavior.”

On his political affiliation, he defines himself thus: “To be determined. I haven’t made a decision. Things are still evolving as they go.” He adds: “There’s some aspects of the Democrat Party that didn’t speak to me, and there are some aspects of the Republican Party that didn’t speak to me. People in the political world try to put you into different buckets based on what exists. I think Trump’s creating his own bucket–a blend of what works and eliminating what doesn’t work.” (Though in using the GOP-favored pejorative “Democrat Party” over the traditional “Democratic Party,” Kushner gives a hint about the contents of his bucket.)

The allegations of anti-Semitism hit closer to home. In July, Trump tweeted a graphic of Hillary Clinton against a background of dollar bills and a six-pointed star that contained the words “most corrupt candidate ever,” an image that had allegedly originated on a white supremacist message board. Dana Schwartz, a reporter for Kushner’s Observer, wrote a widely read piece for the paper’s site urging her boss, given the prominence he places on his faith and family, to denounce the tweet. Kushner responded with an opinion piece that defended Trump using the same old line: that he knows Trump. “If even the slightest infraction against what the speech police have deemed correct speech is instantly shouted down with taunts of ‘racist,’ then what is left to condemn the actual racists?”

Kushner insists today that there will be no hate element in the Trump Administration, starting at the top. “You can’t not be a racist for 69 years, then all of a sudden become a racist, right?” he says. “You can’t not be an anti-Semite for 69 years and all of a sudden become an anti-Semite because you’re running.”

His reaction to fringe elements, like the KKK and the white nationalist alt-right, who have embraced Trump? “Trump has disavowed their support 25 times. He’s renounced hatred, he’s renounced bigotry, and he’s renounced racism. I don’t know if he could ever denounce them enough for some people.” He then paraphrases a quote he attributes to Ronald Reagan: “Just because they support me doesn’t mean that I support them.”

Kushner’s support extends to Steve Bannon, Trump’s strategic advisor, who had been accused by his ex-wife of making anti-Semitic comments (he denies it) and whose website, Breitbart, has often published articles that dog-whistle racist, anti-Semitic sentiments. “Do you hold me accountable for every single thing that the Observer’ s ever written, like they came from me?” Kushner says. “All I know about Steve is my experience working with him. He’s an incredible Zionist and loves Israel. He was one of the leaders in the anti-divestiture campaign. And what I’ve seen from working together with him was somebody who did not fit the description that people are pushing on him. I choose to judge him based on my experience and seeing the job he’s done, as opposed to what other people are saying about him.”

And that seems to reflect how Kushner feels about friends upset by his role in electing someone who offends their values, to the point where, before the election, several wrote to him in fits of pique. “I call it an exfoliation. Anyone who was willing to change a friendship or not do business because of who somebody supports in politics is not somebody who has a lot of character.

“People are very fickle,” he adds. “You have to find what you believe in, challenge your truths. And if you believe in something, even if it’s unpopular, you have to push with it.”

MANY OF THOSE fickle friends are likely to return now that Kushner, after masterminding Trump’s stunning victory, has the ear of the future president. What he will do with that power is anyone’s guess.

For now, Kushner plays coy: “There’s a lot of people who have been asking me to get involved in a more official capacity. I just have to think about what that means for my family, for my business and make sure it’d be the right thing for a multitude of reasons.”

It’s unlikely that he can hold a formal position in the Trump White House. Nepotism laws established after President Kennedy made brother Bobby attorney general bar the president from giving government roles to relatives–including in-laws. Reports have stated that the administration is exploring every legal angle to get Kushner into the West Wing–including adding him as an unpaid advisor, though even that may be covered by the law, which was written to ensure fealty to the Constitution rather than the individual.

But it may be a moot point. With or without a government title or a $170,000 federal salary, there’s no law that bans a president from seeking counsel from whomever he wants. It’s clear America’s tech and entrepreneurial leaders, who heavily backed Clinton and collectively denounced Trump, will use Kushner as a go-between and that Trump will lean on him just as heavily.

“I assume he’ll be in the White House throughout the entire presidency,” says News Corp. billionaire Rupert Murdoch. “For the next four or eight years he’ll be a strong voice, maybe even the strongest after the vice president.”

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Hacking, Extortion, Election Interference: These Are the Tools Used by Israel’s Agents of Chaos and Manipulation

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Revealed: The cyberweapons a key Israeli company offers its clients in order to corrupt democracies across the globe

Omer Benjakob
Gur Megiddo

Feb 15, 2023

Feb 15, 2023

Omer Benjakob
Gur Megiddo

Feb 15, 2023

Feb 15, 2023

“Thank you my love. It was a wonderful night. Waiting for you whenever you come back,” read the note attached to the sex toy hidden inside the Amazon delivery box. It was allegedly sent by Shannon Aiken, a 38-year-old Washington woman, to the home of a politician at the height of an election campaign. His wife received the package. The politician slept in his office for two days. A crew was secretly sent to film him there, and the embarrassing footage leaked online.

Paid by Attorney Rakefet Shfaim
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Israel Mentioned in Newly Released FBI Documents Regarding Stone and Trump’s 2016 Campaign – U.S. News – Haaretz.com

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Haaretz | U.S. News

The documents — FBI affidavits submitted to obtain search warrants in the criminal investigation into Roger Stone — were released following a court case brought by The AP and other media organizations

Apr 30, 2020

Weeks after Robert Mueller was appointed special counsel in the Russia investigation, Roger Stone, a confidant of President Donald Trump, reassured WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange in a Twitter message that if prosecutors came after him, “I will bring down the entire house of cards,” according to FBI documents made public Tuesday.

Paid by Attorney Rakefet Shfaim
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Trump Ally Roger Stone Claims Huma Abedin Collected Damaging Material on the Clintons

gettyimages-478165449.jpg?w=1024

That laptop shared by disgraced former Rep. Anthony Weiner and his wife, Huma Abedin, vice chair of Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential campaign, may have contained files damaging to the Clintons after all.

That, at least, is the claim of Roger Stone, 64, the longtime political operative and Donald Trump supporter, who is himself now the subject of the FBI’s investigation into possible contacts between Trump-campaign operatives and Russian agents. Stone has denied any collusion and has offered to testify before the congressional committees that are also investigating Russian interference in the election.

On Nov. 6, just two days before the presidential election, FBI director James Comey announced that an examination of the laptop had turned up no new evidence against Clinton, who had been under investigation for her use of a personal email server.

But Stone now charges that sources he has within the New York Police Department have told him that the laptop does contain files compiled by Abedin herself that include photographs of former President Bill Clinton in compromising sexual situations. Stone further says that if any harm should come to him, his friends in the NYPD are prepared to release the files in what amounts to a sort of dead man’s trigger.

Stone — who is currently promoting a new book, The Making of the President 2016: How Donald Trump Orchestrated a Revolution, published by Skyhorse Publishing, and who also is the subject of the upcoming Netflix documentary Get Me Roger Stone, which will have its world premiere at the Tribeca Film Festival on April 23 — detailed his allegations in a conversation with The Hollywood Reporter.

While Comey said the FBI found no new evidence against Clinton in the emails it reviewed on the Weiner laptop, Stone said, “My sources in the NYPD tell me that they are not only not benign; they include corruption, self-dealing, treason and sexual exploitation of minors. We’re talking about the Clintons.”

He continued, “My source at the NYPD told me that the NYPD had been pressured by the Justice Department over the Eric Garner case not to contradict the FBI director on the Monday before the election. [Garner died as a result of a police chokehold in 2014.] And they didn’t. But I still think that those emails will ultimately see the light of day. Supposedly there are photos. My source speculated that the whole purpose of this was Huma’s protection file, her blackmail file if they ever tried to screw her. She had everything here that she needed to protect herself. It was insurance. There were compromising photos of the former President [Bill Clinton] in sexual situations.”

Stone, who has cultivated a reputation as a political trickster, is no stranger to conspiracy theories.

Take the car accident in Florida Stone was involved in last month. He was in the passenger seat, being driven from Fort Lauderdale to Orlando, Fla., for a book event when the incident occurred. The way he tells it, a car came out of nowhere from a side street and T-boned his car. The airbags deployed, and Stone’s car was totaled. There were witnesses, including a woman named Snowden (the kind of flourish that peppers a typical Stone story), who managed to jot down the license-plate number. When the police showed up to take the accident report, they ran the tag number, and it was a counterfeit, said Stone.

“Then my critics all run out and say, ‘He’s a conspiracy theorist. He’s just making this up to sell books.’ No, I was in a hit-and-run accident, and whoever hit us ran. That’s all I’m saying. I find that suspicious. And the police are investigating,” added Stone.

The incident (which has been corroborated by a Broward County Sheriff’s report) followed an even wilder claim in January, when Stone tweeted that he had been the victim of an attempted poisoning by polonium.

When asked who might want to hurt or intimidate him, Stone says the list of suspects is too long, but he believes it is related to his offer to testify before Congress. “Perhaps somebody who just doesn’t want me to testify?” he suggested.

For the upcoming documentary, directors Daniel DiMauro, Morgan Pehme and Dylan Bank and executive producer Blair Foster followed the self-described “agent provocateur” for nearly five years, culminating with Trump’s unexpected win over Clinton. Stone, who had no editorial control, hasn’t seen the film yet.

“I’m sure there will be things in the documentary I like, and I’m sure there will be things in the documentary I don’t like,” he told THR. “I have two tickets. I’ll bring a libel lawyer with me for the other ticket.”

Stone is joking about that possibility. “I actually wouldn’t sue,” he quickly added.

In the film, Stone is dubbed by journalist Jeffrey Toobin “a malevolent Forrest Gump.” But Stone has certainly heard worse. And, he concluded, “All publicity is good publicity. The question is: Do they spell your name right?”

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The untold story of how a lone FBI agent forced the agency to reopen its investigation into Hillary Clinton days before her election loss to Trump

Two days after the FBI received the Steele dossier, on September 21, the London tabloid Daily Mail ran a front-page “exclusive”:

This story is available exclusively to Business Insider subscribers. Become an Insider and start reading now.

In just three paragraphs, the British tabloid had laid out all the elements of a crime defined by New York Penal Law 235: disseminating indecent materials to minors. Because it involved a minor, this incident was exponentially more threatening to Weiner than his prior much-publicized sexual escapades, which had ended his once-promising career in Congress, shattered his 2013 run for New York City mayor, and — after he sent lurid photos while in bed with his 4-year-old son — finally caused Huma Abedin to leave him and file for divorce.

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Hillary Clinton and Huma Abedin.

Through it all Clinton had loyally stood by her top aide. They were so close that Clinton referred to Abedin as a “second daughter.” Bill Clinton officiated at her 2010 marriage to Weiner, then an up-and-coming Democratic congressman. Clinton had firmly rebuffed suggestions to distance herself from Abedin as the Weiner scandals mounted and Abedin loyally and painfully stood by her husband. Abedin was vice-chair of Clinton’s campaign and by the candidate’s side at a Hamptons fund-raiser when the Daily Mail story broke.

As The New York Times noted, Weiner’s behavior “threatens to remind voters about the troubles in the Clintons’ own marriage over the decades, including Mrs. Clinton’s much-debated decision to remain with then-President Bill Clinton after revelations of his relationship with Monica Lewinsky. Ms. Abedin’s choice to separate from her husband evokes the debates that erupted over Mrs. Clinton’s handling of the Lewinsky affair, a scandal her campaign wants left in the past.”

In what would prove to be a spectacular miscalculation, The Times reported that Clinton’s advisers “were confident Mr. Weiner’s actions would not hurt Mrs. Clinton.”

Anthony Weiner

Anthony Weiner. AP

Following the Daily Mail article, the New York field office and the Manhattan US attorney, Preet Bharara, took the lead in the Weiner investigation. On September 26, the government asked for and was granted a search warrant and seized Weiner’s iPhone, iPad, and laptop computer the same day. One of the FBI’s digital extraction technicians noticed within hours that there were about 340,000 emails on the laptop. Among the domain addresses were Yahoo.com, State.gov, Clintonfoundation.org, Clintonemail.com, and Hillaryclinton.com. “Am I seeing what I think I’m seeing?” the technician wondered.

At the technician’s request, the computer was looked at by another agent, who described it as an “oh shit” moment and agreed they needed to report the discovery “up the chain” immediately. They also drafted an email that began, “Just putting this on the record because of the optics of the case.”

andrew mccabe

Andrew McCabe. REUTERS/James Lawler Duggan

Two days later, on September 28, the New York FBI office’s assistant director, Bill Sweeney, relayed news of the discovery during a weekly teleconference with FBI headquarters in Washington. Ordinarily, then-FBI Director James Comey would have been presiding, but he was testifying that afternoon on Capitol Hill, so Andrew McCabe, Comey’s deputy, handled it. One participant said that Sweeney’s revelation was like “dropping a bomb in the middle of the meeting” and stated that “everybody realized the significance of this, like, potential trove of information.” He said Sweeney “very much emphasized the significance of what he thought they had there.”

But McCabe later had only a hazy memory of Sweeney’s remarks. Later that day, he told Comey, in passing, “Hey, Boss, I just want you to know that the criminal squad in New York has got Anthony Weiner’s laptop and I think it may have some connect to Midyear”

“Hey, Boss, I just want you to know that the criminal squad in New York has got Anthony Weiner’s laptop and I think it may have some connect to Midyear”

— the name of the team of Justice Department officials investigating Clinton’s emails — or something to that effect, and he might have mentioned Abedin. But McCabe’s comments didn’t sink in. Comey didn’t make the connection that Weiner was married to Abedin or that Clinton’s emails had been found on his laptop.

Peter Strzok, the FBI agent in charge of the Clinton email investigation, texted Lisa Page, a bureau attorney, that evening: “Got called up to Andy’s earlier … hundreds of thousands of emails turned over by Weiner’s atty to sdny, includes a ton of material from spouse. Sending team up tomorrow to review … this will never end.” Strzok even considered going himself: “So I kinda want to go up to NY tomorrow, coordinate this.”

A team was dispatched but didn’t get very far. The search warrant used to seize Weiner’s laptop covered only child pornography and disseminating indecent materials — not Hillary Clinton’s emails. The US attorney’s office had told the agents they couldn’t open and read the Clinton-Abedin emails without another search warrant, though it was OK to read the headers.

At this juncture, the New York agents thought the Midyear team in Washington was going to ask for guidance about getting a search warrant and get back to them. Strzok and others on the Midyear team were under the impression that agents in the New York office would continue processing the laptop and get back to them with more information about what was on it, a task that could easily take months — in “January, February 2017, whenever it gets done,” according to Strzok. Others, too, thought the legal and technical issues involved in gaining access to the emails would take months to resolve, well after the coming election.

Any sense of urgency drained away. While sporadic discussions of the Weiner laptop continued within lower ranks at FBI headquarters, it wasn’t even on Comey’s radar. Strzok got back to the all-consuming task of the Russia investigation.

McCabe alerted the Justice Department about the Weiner laptop the first week in October and told a Justice Department lawyer he was sending an agent to review the emails. But both thought they would mostly be duplicates of what they’d already seen, given how thorough the investigation had been.

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The “Access Hollywood” tape. Getty Images

That was as far as it got. A few days later, on October 7, The Washington Post published a video showing Donald Trump on his way to tape a 2005 episode of “Access Hollywood” in which Trump boasted to the host Billy Bush: “I don’t even wait. And when you’re a star, they let you do it. You can do anything. Grab them by the pussy. You can do anything.” In the midst of the resulting furor, WikiLeaks released another batch of thousands of emails hacked from a Gmail account belonging to John Podesta, chair of the Clinton campaign. The Department of Homeland Security and the director of national intelligence issued a joint statement blaming the hack on Russia, noting that “only Russia’s senior-most officials could have authorized these activities.”

Two days later, FBI agents contacted Podesta, who told reporters on Clinton’s campaign plane that he’d spoken with the FBI that weekend. “Russian interference in this election and apparently on behalf of Trump is, I think, of the utmost concern to all Americans, whether you’re a Democrat or independent or Republican,” Podesta said. And he suggested the Trump campaign might have been in on the leaks, noting that the Trump campaign adviser Roger Stone had boasted about his ties to the WikiLeaks founder, Julian Assange. “So I think it’s a reasonable assumption to — or at least a reasonable conclusion — that Mr. Stone had advance warning and the Trump campaign had advance warning about what Assange was going to do,” Podesta said. He also cited Trump’s perplexing “bromance” with Russian President Vladimir Putin and added that Trump’s foreign policy positions “are more consistent with Russian foreign policy than with US foreign policy.”

He also cited Trump’s perplexing “bromance” with Vladimir Putin and added that Trump’s foreign policy positions “are more consistent with Russian foreign policy than with U.S. foreign policy.”

Podesta had just publicly revealed, perhaps inadvertently, the closely guarded secret that the FBI was indeed investigating Russian election interference and ties to the Trump campaign. 

The Weiner laptop investigation might have languished indefinitely but for the determined efforts of the New York case agent who examined the laptop’s contents. (The FBI declined to identify the New York case agent who discovered the Clinton emails on Weiner’s laptop and agitated to pursue the investigation.) As the sole proprietor of what he now knew to be hundreds of thousands of emails with Clinton’s name on them, and the election just a month away, he was, as he later put it, “a little scared.” Even though “I’m not political” and “I don’t care who wins this election,” he feared the revelation that the bureau sat on such a trove “is going to make us look really, really horrible.”

As he put it, “Something was going to come crashing down.” Even though “I didn’t work the Hillary Clinton matter. My understanding at the time was I am telling you people I have private Hillary Clinton emails, number one, and BlackBerry messages, number two. I’m telling you that we have potentially ten times the volume that Director Comey said we had on the record. Why isn’t anybody here?” He also worried that Comey hadn’t been informed. “As a big admirer of the guy, and I think he’s a straight shooter, I felt like he needed to know that we got this. And I didn’t know if he did.”

Feeling he “had nowhere else to turn,” on October 19 he went outside the normal chain of command and met with two prosecutors from the Manhattan US attorney’s office. He figured if they “got the attention of Preet Bharara, maybe they’d kick some of these lazy FBI folks in the butt and get them moving.”

Preet Bharara

Preet Bharara. REUTERS/Eduardo Munoz

The prosecutors got the sense that the agent was stressed and worried he’d be blamed if nothing more were done and the existence of the emails became public. He worried that “somebody was not acting appropriately, somebody was trying to bury this.” Concerned that the agent might “act out,” they briefed Bharara. Although the Clinton email investigation lay outside the Southern District’s jurisdiction, Bharara had someone get in touch with George Toscas, the deputy attorney general overseeing the Clinton investigation, in case “something had fallen through the cracks.”

The news that his message had gotten through came as a relief to the agent. “Not to sound sappy, but I appreciate you guys understanding how uneasy I felt about the situation,” he said in an October 21 email to the Southern District prosecutors he’d met with. And he wrote to his boss and another agent in New York: The prosecutors “understood my concerns yesterday about the nature of the stuff I have on Weiner computer (ie, that I will be scapegoated if it comes out that the FBI had this stuff). They appreciated that I was in a tight spot and spoke to their chain of command who agreed.” He now felt reassured “I did the right thing by speaking up.”

Two days later, on October 23, the Wall Street Journal reporter Devlin Barrett broke the news that the Virginia governor Terry McAuliffe’s political action committee had given $467,500 to the unsuccessful state senate campaign of Jill McCabe, Andrew Mccabe’s wife: “Clinton Ally Aided Campaign of FBI Official’s Wife.”

That came as news to McCabe, who, by design, had known nothing about contributions to his wife’s campaign.

The FBI issued a statement, saying McCabe played no role in the campaign and at the time had no involvement in any Clinton investigations. The article also noted that McCabe had sought ethics guidance and had followed it.

Still, that McAuliffe had given such a large sum to Jill McCabe’s campaign made Comey uneasy about the appearance of any influence or conflicts. He wished McCabe had told him (unaware that McCabe hadn’t known). In that case, he would have assigned someone else to oversee the email investigation — not because he thought there was an actual conflict or that McCabe had done anything improper, but because it might be used “to undercut the credibility of the institution.”

Those concerns were immediately borne out: Trump promptly tweeted a link to the article, and the Republican National Committee chair, Reince Priebus, issued a statement: “Given all we know about how the corrupt Clinton machine operates, it’s hard not to see this as anything other than a down payment to influence the FBI’s criminal investigation into Hillary Clinton’s private email server.”

Rudy Giuliani jumped on the news, calling the Journal story a “shot to the solar plexus” in an appearance on “Fox & Friends.” He added, “We’ve got a couple of surprises left.”

The day after the Wall Street Journal story, Toscas asked McCabe about the status of the Weiner laptop, a subject that had largely slipped McCabe’s mind. McCabe asked Strzok and Bill Priestap, the assistant director of the FBI’s counterintelligence division, and realized with some dismay that the investigation had languished. As Jim Baker, the FBI’s general counsel, put it, “We took our collective eyes off the ball, didn’t pay attention to it, and when it came back and we were informed that it was not resolved, then it became a crisis.”

Prompted by McCabe’s questions, on October 26 Strzok and Toscas convened a conference call that included other Midyear team members, and they finally spoke directly with the New York case agent. He felt frustrated, as he put it, that they were “asking questions that I had already repeatedly answered in other calls.” The laptop contained as many as 650,000 emails, and as the agent told them, “We could have every email that Huma and Hillary ever sent each other.”

“We could have every email that Huma and Hillary ever sent each other.”

These appeared to include the emails from Clinton’s earliest days as secretary of state —the time period when she was most likely to have explained or commented on her decision to use private email — which the FBI had been unable to retrieve through other means.

That revelation rekindled the sense of urgency that had briefly prevailed back in September. For Strzok this was the “tipping point” that this might not be just another case of duplicate emails. Strzok briefed Page, who described the development as “good news, in a bad news way” — good news, she explained, in the sense that “more evidence is always good news. It might either change our decision or outcome or further substantiate the outcome we reached.” And bad news, because “I cannot believe we are, we are here. We are doing this again on October 26th. Like, oh, my goodness.”

That same day, The Wall Street Journal’s Barrett again contacted Mike Kortan, then the FBI’s assistant director for public affairs, indicating he wasn’t finished with the McCabe story. Now he was pursuing a lead that McCabe had tried to tamp down the FBI’s Clinton Foundation investigation before the election, which, if true, suggested that McCabe had favored Clinton in the wake of his wife’s McAuliffe-financed campaign.

In an email to Kortan, Barrett asked whether it was “accurate” that, “in the summer, McCabe himself gave some instruction as to how to proceed with the Clinton Foundation probe, given that it was the height of election season and the FBI did not want to make a lot of overt moves that could be seen as going after her or drawing attention to the probe.” He asked, “Anything else I should know?”

Kortan conferred with Page and McCabe, who suggested Page talk to Barrett and find out more about the story.

That same day, Giuliani again teased a coming “surprise” that would propel Trump to victory. Appearing again on Fox News, he said to expect “a surprise or two that you’re going to hear about in the next two days.

“I’m talking about some pretty big surprise,” he said.

Comey and McCabe wondered, what was Giuliani talking about? Was someone in the FBI, likely in New York, leaking?

Comey ordered the FBI’s inspection division to launch an investigation. “I was concerned that there appeared to be in the media a number of stories that might have been based on communications reporters or non-reporters like Rudy Giuliani were having with people in the New York field office,” Comey later explained. “In particular, in, I want to say mid-October, maybe a little bit later, Mr. Giuliani was making statements that appeared to be based on his knowledge of workings inside the FBI New York. And then my recollection is there were other stories that were in the same ballpark that gave me a general concern that we may have a leak problem — unauthorized disclosure problem out of New York.” The same day as Giuliani’s Fox appearance, McCabe hastily arranged a conference call with Loretta Lynch, the attorney general, and the head of the FBI’s New York office, who got “ripped by the AG on leaks,” as he put it.

That same evening, Strzok and others briefed McCabe on the status of the Weiner laptop and their call with the New York case agent. Even though McCabe was going to be out of town the next day, they agreed it was urgent they brief Comey. Early the next morning — at 5:20 — McCabe emailed: “Boss, The [Midyear] team has come across some additional actions they believe they need to take. I think we should probably gather today to discuss implications if you have any space on your calendar. I am happy to join by phone. Will push to Lisa and Jim to coordinate if you are good.”

Comey responded at 7:13 a.m., “Copy.”

The Midyear team was waiting in Comey’s conference room when the director walked in at 10 a.m. with a grin on his face. He had no idea what the meeting was about but was amused to see the familiar faces of the Midyear team gathered together once again. “The band is back together,” he observed. The grin quickly faded as he saw the sober looks around the conference table.

McCabe had called in, but Baker suggested he hang up. Comey, too, told him to “drop off” the call and added, “I don’t need you on this call.” McCabe was taken aback and upset; he was the one who had pushed for the meeting, and was intimately involved in the issues, but he nonetheless hung up. Lisa Page also left the room. While Comey said nothing explicit, everyone realized their departures had something to do with the firestorm that had erupted after the Wall Street Journal article.

Strzok led the briefing, and briefly reviewed the bizarre sequence of events in which Anthony Weiner’s sexually explicit texts to a 15-year-old minor led to the discovery of hundreds of thousands of Hillary Clinton emails. It all seemed new to Comey. None of it jogged any memory of his having been told about it before.

Comey asked what they’d found in the emails. “We see evidence of many, many, many, thousands and thousands of emails from the period of Secretary Clinton’s tenure as Secretary of State,” Comey recalled being told. “Two, we see Verizon.Blackberry.net email metadata. We don’t know what the content is, from the period of time when Secretary Clinton was using a BlackBerry, Verizon.BlackBerry.net account at the beginning of her tenure as Secretary of State. We think this may be the missing three months of emails.”

If so, it was a potent discovery, because Clinton’s motive — the elusive question of her intent — would have been most evident when she began using the private server. Comey asked whether everyone felt they needed to review the contents of the emails to be sure they’d “turned over the necessary stones” and “be comfortable with the decision we made.”

“Yes,” Priestap replied. “We don’t know with certainty what’s in there. It could be information that we’ve not seen, you know, thus far, and so yes … in effect it’s dereliction of duty to not, you know this thing is out here to pass it over. So yes, we’ve got to, we have to do it.”

“We don’t know with certainty what’s in there. It could be information that we’ve not seen, you know, thus far, and so yes … in effect it’s dereliction of duty to not, you know this thing is out here to pass it over. So yes, we’ve got to, we have to do it.”

Strzok agreed, saying, “We have to pursue this material, because, you know, we would do it in any other case. And it is, you know, a pool of evidence that hypothetically, now understandably it’s very speculative, but there is that possibility that it could change our outcome.”

Priestap thought that unlikely. He felt that they’d already scoured so many emails that it was unlikely they’d discover any “smoking gun,” as he put it, and if they did, it “would have shocked me.” But “could it have been possible? Absolutely. That’s why we had to review it.”

Comey readily agreed that the FBI needed to get a search warrant and review the emails. As he later said, “We may be finding the golden missing emails that would change this case.”

“How fast can you review and assess this?” Comey asked. The answer was weeks — maybe months — and not until long after the election. “Do it as quickly as you can, but do it well,” Comey responded.

Going to court and applying for a warrant were overt investigative acts. Others would be aware or involved, including agents in New York and prosecutors in Preet Bharara’s office. There was the ever-present danger, even likelihood, of leaks. According to Page, there was “a substantial and legitimate fear that when we went to seek the warrant in order to get access to the Weiner laptop, that the fact of that would leak.”

More worrisome, with the decision to seek a warrant, Midyear “awoke from the dead,” as Comey later put it. It was again an active investigation. The presidential election was exactly twelve days away. Comey wondered, now what?

The FBI obtained a search warrant for Weiner’s laptop on October 30, and the computer was physically transferred from New York to the bureau’s operational technology division in Quantico, Virginia. The laptop contained 1,355,980 items and approximately 650,000 emails. While that seemed a daunting and time-consuming task, technicians were able to narrow the Clinton-related emails to under 50,000. The FBI reviewed 6,827 emails that were either to or from Clinton and deemed 3,077 of those emails “potentially work-related.” Strzok led the team that pored over each of these, working near 24-hour days. They found 13 email chains containing confidential information, though none were marked as classified. All were duplicates of emails that had already been examined.

On Friday, they told Comey they might finish before the election and made a final push to finish their review the next day. There was little disagreement that Comey should send another letter to Congress addressing the findings, although some worried that it was too close to the election to say anything. Strzok, for one, worried that anytime the FBI made an announcement, it only “reinvigorated” the news cycle, thrusting the FBI into the partisan wrangling. But there was no opposition at the Justice Department, which wanted Comey to correct any misimpressions that Clinton might still be charged, and lawyers there reviewed and signed off on a draft of the proposed letter.

The letter reached Congress on Sunday afternoon, November 6:

“I write to supplement my October 28, 2016 letter that notified you the FBI would be taking additional investigative steps with respect to former Secretary of State Clinton’s use of a personal email server. Since my letter, the FBI investigative team has been working around the clock to process and review a large volume of emails from a device obtained in connection with an unrelated criminal investigation. During that process, we reviewed all of the communications that were to or from Hillary Clinton while she was Secretary of State. Based on our review, we have not changed our conclusions that we expressed in July with respect to Secretary Clinton. I am very grateful to the professionals at the FBI for doing an extraordinary amount of high-quality work in a short period of time.”

As The Times put it, Comey’s letter — his third public statement on the Midyear investigation — “swept away her largest and most immediate problem” but came “at the end of a rocky week for Mrs. Clinton that included wild, false speculation about looming indictments and shocking discoveries in the emails.”

Trump immediately reverted to form — that Clinton “is being protected by a rigged system. It’s a totally rigged system,” as he said in Michigan on November 6 and at every subsequent rally.

Comey wanted nothing more to do with the election. He was, in his words, “too tired to care.” He’d dedicated his career to the Department of Justice and the FBI in large part because they were institutions that stood apart from and above partisan politics. He had no plans to vote.

Comey had nonetheless achieved the dubious status of celebrity, or perhaps notoriety. That night he, his wife, and one of their daughters went out for dinner, where “Comey was spotted with a giant margarita at El Tio Tex Mex Grill,” The Washington Post duly noted.

Perhaps because it drained the suspense from the Clinton email story rather than added to it, and had none of the “wild speculation” that had provided such good tabloid fare, Comey’s November 6 letter got far less media attention. It wasn’t even the lead news story that day; it was overshadowed by reports that a swarm of Secret Service agents had rushed Trump at a Nevada rally after someone in the crowd yelled, “Gun.” (The man turned out to be unarmed.) The next day’s news was dominated by the latest polls (which showed Clinton in a slight uptick, with a lead of 3.5 percentage points over Trump).

Strzok and Page never discussed any of their own work in terms of how it might affect the election. Strzok and Page had often advocated a tougher investigative approach toward Clinton and had even questioned issuing the November 6 letter exonerating her. None of their colleagues detected any hint of the political sentiments they expressed in what they assumed were confidential text messages.

Despite her lead in the polls, Page and Strzok weren’t at all sure Clinton would win.

“The nyt probability numbers are dropping every day,” a worried Page texted Strzok on November 3, referring to the Times’s online forecast. “I’m scared for our organization.”

“Stein and moron are F’ing everything up, too,” Strzok replied, referring to the Green candidate, Jill Stein, and the Libertarian Gary Johnson. Four days later, The Times gave Clinton an 85% chance of winning, but added, “A victory by Mr. Trump remains possible.” “OMG this is F*CKING TERRIFYING,” Strzok texted.

For the first time since he was old enough, McCabe decided not to cast a vote.

Adapted from “Deep State: Trump, the FBI, and the Rule of Law” by James B. Stewart, published by Penguin Press.

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Hidden Legal Lessons from Anthony Weiner’s Laptop (Computer)

Amid the exhaustive punditry and analysis concerning FBI Director James Comey’s startling disclosure of a rejuvenated Hillary Clinton criminal investigation, some critical questions seem to have gotten lost in the shuffle.  Namely, what are the legalities involved when handling Anthony Weiner (or anyone else’s) laptop computer; and could Anthony Weiner’s lawyers have avoided this entire situation had they been more careful? 

This article comprehensively analyzes the multiple and complex legal issues relating to the Weiner laptop computer and offers some useful advice for managing these issues thoughtfully, cautiously, prudently and successfully.

The FBI and The Weiner Laptop Computer

FBI Director James Comey’s Oct. 28 bombshell letter to Congress – which even the U.S. Department of Justice has indicated as potentially affecting the presidential election – was apparently triggered by an investigation into the sexting habits of, and a 15-year-old girl’s possible illicit affair with, thrice disgraced former U.S. Congressman Weiner.

In Director Comey’s letter to Congress, he states that the FBI had has recently discovered additional emails between or among Hillary Clinton and Huma Abedin that are pertinent to the previously concluded investigation into whether Hillary Clinton mishandled classified information using a private server from her home in Chappaqua, N.Y.

In an internal email to FBI employees, Comey wrote: “Of course, we don’t ordinarily tell Congress about ongoing investigations, but here I feel an obligation to do so given that I testified repeatedly in recent months that our investigation was completed. I also think it would be misleading to the American people were we not to supplement the record.”

Next, after apparently reviewing the reported 650,000 emails in seven days, Director Comey wrote a second letter to Congress dated November 6, 2016, stating: “ . . . we reviewed all of the communications that were to or from Hillary Clinton while she was Secretary of State . . . Based on our review, we have not changed our conclusions that we expressed in July with respect to Secretary Clinton.”

How did Weiner’s laptop computer come to contain the Clinton/Abedin emails? This is unclear though the facts surrounding their seize/collection/recovery are beginning to crystalize. Abedin reportedly asserts that she herself did not even know that the Weiner laptop computer warehoused the Clinton/Abedin emails.  Abedin reportedly used the laptop computer to back up her smartphone, and thereby (either intentionally, unknowingly and/or inadvertently) somehow transferred the emails to the Weiner laptop computer.  Abedin reportedly testified under oath that she told the FBI of all possible devices that might contain any Clinton or state department emails but omitted any mention of the Weiner laptop computer during her testimony. 

How the FBI obtained the laptop of Weiner also remains unclear and is critical to understanding the many legal issues triggered by its analysis.  It appears that the Weiner laptop computer came to be in the FBI’s possession when, on October 3, 2016, New York FBI agents executed a search warrant to obtain Weiner’s iPhone, an iPad and the laptop.    

However, given that the Clinton/Abedin emails were not within the scope of the original search warrant (which was likely limited to data pertaining to Weiner’s alleged illicit relationship, sexting and other related conduct), it also appears that the FBI had not read, analyzed or perhaps even seen the actual Clinton/Abedin emails on the Weiner laptop computer. 

What predictably ensued was a frantic weekend where the U.S. Department of Justice reportedly applied for a search warrant for the Abedin/Clinton emails, which was apparently authorized by a federal judge, and a review of the reported 650,000 emails has begun.  The review will likely entail: 1) de-duping of any identical emails in the batch; 2) an electronic review via key word search or other similar methodology of the remaining emails or other data; and 3) a forensic analysis of the hard drive for any relevant remnants, artifacts, fragments or residue from any deleted or otherwise trashed emails. 

It does not appear that law enforcement (e.g. the FBI or NYPD) stormed the Manhattan apartment of Anthony Weiner and seized his laptop.  Rather, it looks like Weiner cooperated and his attorneys somehow bargained for Weiner’s consent to turnover voluntarily his laptop as well as any other electronic devices in his possession custody, or subject to his control — perhaps (or perhaps not) negotiating the terms, scope and breadth of the turnover.  

Whether Weiner’s counsel possesses a forensic image of the Weiner laptop computer’s hard drive, which would of course aid them in a competent defense of their client, remains unclear.  And whether Weiner’s counsel had any opportunity to review the data on the Weiner laptop computer and other devices beforehand also remains unclear.

What The Weiner Laptop Computer Might Contain

However it got into the hands of law enforcement, the Weiner laptop computer could contain a virtual treasure trove of important evidence relating to the investigation into whether Hillary Clinton mishandled classified information. 

The evidentiary possibilities are almost infinite. Not surprisingly, so-called ESD’s (electronic storage devices” such as laptop and desktop computers, company servers, individual smartphones and tablets and any other hard drive, thumb drive or virtual storage contraption or facility) have time and again provided law enforcement with the 21st century equivalent of the proverbial smoking gun. 

Active Data

In Weiner’s case, his alleged illicit sexting and possible unlawful relationship with a minor has accidentally engulfed Hillary Clinton – because his device contained “active data” such as actual emails or perhaps email headers or other related cache pertaining to Clinton’s role as Secretary of State or her role in any other possible criminal undertaking or conspiracy, including obstruction of justice. 

But the evidentiary possibilities do not stop there.  The “active data” on the Weiner laptop computer will not only contain exculpatory or inculpatory email communications and other relevant data. The Weiner laptop computer likely also includes gigabytes of irrelevant private and personal information of Weiner, Abedin or anyone else who used the device for any purpose, including Weiner and Abedin friends, family, colleagues, etc.  

The Weiner laptop computer could also include information protected by domestic or foreign statute or requiring notice of disclosure per contract; personal health information of Weiner, abed in or other family and friends; or privileged communications with counsel or attorney work product.

Given the likely scenario that the FBI Agents charged with analyzing the laptop did not have authority to review data other than that specified in the search warrant, some semblance of the Clinton/Abedin emails were probably active data “in plain view” during the review of the Weiner laptop computer, which triggered the heightened scrutiny and the need for a new search warrant. 

Inactive Data

Most users have no idea of the contents of the “inactive data” on their ESDs, such as data within deleted recoverable files, unallocated and slack space or the boot sector, found during a digital forensic deep dive of a hard drive. 

This kind of “inactive” evidence, which is rarely “in plain view” can contain unanticipated inculpatory information – and has ushered in an exciting and extraordinary era of a scientific approach towards identifying, capturing, harvesting, warehousing, perusing and ultimately introducing as evidence, critical, evidence at trial. 

To illustrate the extraordinary impact of digital evidence, consider the history of traditional documentary evidence used in trials and prosecutions. For instance, the typical office worker has a trash bin in his or her office and disregards written documents in that trash bin throughout the day.  At the end of the day or week, the contents of this trash bin are then emptied and transferred into a dumpster in the basement of the office building. At the end of the week, the trash dumpster is emptied and its contents are transported to a landfill or other trash facility.  Historically, once emptied into a trash bin, discharged into a dumpster and/or transported to a landfill, any evidence contained on those places was very difficult, costly and challenging for law enforcement to recover. 

But in today’s virtual world of ESDs and universal digital communications, not only are the virtual trash bins, dumpsters and landfills immediately accessible to the government – even a sledgehammer or a blow torch might not fully destroy the evidence contained therein.  

Why is data so hard to destroy? Of course, with respect to an email, once sent, the sender typically loses any control over its contents and thereby has little chance of securing its deletion.  With respect to documentary data, such as a letter, memorandum, presentation, notes from a meeting, etc., when that data file is deleted, its address is merely changed to unallocated space, but the text remains in free space unless it is overwritten, either intentionally or in the course of a device’s normal operating processes. 

Similarly, at the end of every saved file is “slack space”, which contains various unexpected remnants, fragments and artifacts, including text from other files that were deleted then overwritten by shorter files and text that was never intentionally saved (perhaps forgotten, hidden on the device or otherwise in ‘‘not-so-plain’’ view).

These hidden files on laptops and other so-called ESDs can include an almost infinite hoard of evidence, which a user perhaps believed had already been intentionally deleted or even worse, simply never knew existed.  This is probably why Hilary Clinton or her advisers instructed her IT team to use BleachBitto delete her files, a data wiping tool that purports to wipe disks so clean of data that, “even God can’t read them.” 

Whether active data or inactive data, electronic evidence can also present challenges relating to its authenticity and relevance, when seeking its admissibility in a civil or criminal proceeding.  For instance, a teenage child, a family friend, or even a visiting contractor could be using the Weiner/Abedin computer for unlawful purposes and could have, for instance, left evidence along those lines in unallocated or slack space – wrongly implicating Weiner or Abedin.

The Law Regarding the Weiner Laptop Computer

There are grave consequences when the government obtains a laptop from a witness, object, target, defendant or any other investigatory classification — and the risks of turning over a device to the government, without defense counsel’s proper review of that device, are considerable. 

Defense counsel must not only understand the technological results of the review, examination, analysis or forensic deep dive of an ESD but must also understand the legal issues triggered when the government requests; subpoenas; seizes via search warrant; or otherwise obtains or recovers the ESD of an American citizen. 

Search Warrants and ESDs

First and foremost, the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution states that no search warrant can be issued unless it “particularly describes the place to be searched and the things to be seized.”

Thus the law has developed that with respect to federal criminal search warrants for ESDs, the government must limit its searches of ESDs with the same particularity required of any search, and the government must: (1) explain how relevant data will be distinguished from irrelevant data; (2) note how the information will relate specifically to the underlying allegations; and (3) follow detailed protocols to avoid revealing non-responsive information, privileged information and other protected information. These search warrants of federal criminal authorities are subject to judicial oversight, when the prosecutor applies for the search warrant from a federal judge before their issuance.

Along these lines, an affidavit and application for a warrant to search a computer are in most respects the same as any other search warrant affidavit and application:

  • The affiant swears to facts that establish that there is probable cause to believe that evidence of crime (such as records), contraband, fruits of crime, or instrumentalities of crime is present in a private space (such as a computer’s hard drive, or other media, which in turn may be in another private space, such as a home or office); and
  • The warrant describes with particularity the things (records and other data, or perhaps the computer itself) to be searched and seized.

By the same token, like any other warrant describing with particularity the “things to be seized,” a search warrant for an ESD has two distinct elements.  First, the warrant must describe the things to be seized with sufficiently precise language so that it tells the officers how to separate the items properly subject to seizure from irrelevant items.  Second, the description of the things to be seized should be limited to the scope of the probable cause established in the warrant.  Considered together, the elements forbid government investigators from obtaining “general warrants” and instead require them to conduct narrow seizures that attempt to “minimize” unwarranted intrusions upon privacy.

For ESDs, if computer hardware is contraband, evidence, fruits, or instrumentalities of crime, the warrant must describe the hardware itself.  If the probable cause relates only to information, however, the warrant must describe the information to be seized, and then request the authority to seize the information in whatever form it may be stored (whether electronic or not). 

Particularity

The most critical distinction between a traditional search warrant and a search warrant of an ESD is the heightened level of particularity expected. When probable cause to search relates in whole or in part to information stored on the computer, the warrant must identify that information with particularity, focusing on the content of the relevant files rather than on the storage devices which may happen to contain them.  In cases where the computer is merely a storage device for evidence, failure to focus on the relevant files may lead to a Fourth Amendment violation. 

For instance, FBI agents cannot simply request permission to seize “all records” from an operating business unless agents have probable cause to believe that the criminal activity under investigation pervades the entire business. Likewise, seeking in a warrant “any and all data, including but not limited to” a list of items, a similarly dangerous phrase, also lacks particularity and has also been held to turn a computer search warrant into an unconstitutional general warrant.  

Along these lines, search warrants for ESD should also include some sort of temporal particularity with respect to the relevant time period of any potential criminal violation or are otherwise subject to a successful challenge. 

This notion of particularity is critical. Even in its own guidelines pertaining to the search and seizure of computers, the Department of Justice itself acknowledges that the law prefers searches of all things, including computer data, to be as “discrete and specific possible,” and advises federal prosecutors and agents to describe with particularity the specific set of techniques they will use to distinguish incriminating documents intermingled with innocuous ones.

Forensic Imaging

If possible, Weiner’s counsel should have bargained for keeping a forensic copy of the hard drive of the Weiner laptop computer, rather than the laptop itself; this way, counsel could have an opportunity to review the same evidence that the government is reviewing.  

In many cases, rather than seize an entire computer for on-site review, FBI agents can instead create a digital copy of the hard drive that is identical to the original in every relevant respect.  This copy is called a “forensic image copy” — a copy that identically duplicates every bit and byte on the ESD, including the unallocated space, the slack space, the boot sector, master file table, and metadata in exactly the order they appear on the original.   The forensic image copying also uses a process that does not disrupt the data contained on the ESD such as the “creation date” of a Word document; the “read date” of an email; or the “last accessed date” of a presentation.

Making a forensic image of an ESD is a professional and meticulous exercise. An image cannot be created by simply dragging and dropping icons or running conventional backup programs; the process of imaging usually involves opening the computer case and connecting the investigator’s own hardware directly to the hard drive. 

In occasional cases, investigators will make the image copy on-site; however, with limited exceptions, courts will accept that the imaging and search of a hard drive or other media requires too much time to conduct on-site during the execution of a warrant. 

In fact, examining an ESD for evidence of crime is nearly always a time consuming process.  Even if the investigators know specific information about the files they seek, the data may be mislabeled, encrypted, stored in hidden directories, or embedded in slack space that a simple file listing will ignore.  Thus the typical search warrant will explain why it is necessary to image an entire hard drive (or physically seize it) and later examine it for responsive records.

Federal Criminal Grand Jury Subpoenas for ESDs

Aside from the legal standards involved, the two most significant practical differences between a grand jury subpoena seeking an ESD and a search warrant allowing for the seizure of an ESD are: 1) the opportunity for counsel to object, and negotiate a response to the subpoena’s specific demands; and 2) the opportunity to create a forensic image of the ESD that the government has subpoenaed.

When subpoena recipients do not want to comply with a grand jury subpoena, they can challenge it by filing a motion to quash with the court that supervises the grand jury.  The motion to quash says, essentially, that the subpoena should not be enforced for specific reasons, such as that the subpoena would violate the attorney-client privilege; that the subpoena lacks sufficient particularity; or that the subpoena is overbroad. 

By moving to quash a grand jury subpoena, defense counsel in effect raises the bar for the government because, unlike a search warrant, the government issues grand jury subpoenas without any showing of probable cause; with only limited constitutional restrictions; or without any other reason to believe relevant evidence will be produced.  In fact, a grand jury “can investigate merely on suspicion the law is being violated, or even just because it wants to assure that it is not.”  This power to investigate, based on mere suspicion, makes defending against grand jury subpoenas extremely difficult.

Thus, with respect to federal criminal grand jury subpoenas for ESDs, the government does not necessarily avoid the probable cause and particularity requirements of a search warrant.  Criminal subpoenas for devices capable of being used for data storage with no express safeguard against a subsequent rummaging through, and seizure of, irrelevant as well as relevant data (such as a judicially sanctioned search methodology), do not withstand Fourth Amendment reasonableness scrutiny.

A Mixed Batch of Federal Cases

With respect to grand jury subpoenas for actual ESDs, there is only a small amount of emerging case law and precedent. The few cases addressing this issue have recognized the centrality of relevance and particularity, but have differed in the ways in which they balance the two.

The especially important issue arising in the few reported ESD subpoena cases is whether the government: 1) can require a person or a business to produce ESDs; or 2) must instead focus the subpoena’s demands on producing particular information that is relevant to the grand jury’s inquiry.

In an early 1994 New York computer evidence case, a federal court held that requiring someone to produce hard drives and other computer hardware, simply to give the government access to some of the data stored in those devices, was unreasonable because it was analogous to requiring a business to produce all its file cabinets. The New York court granted the subpoena recipient’s motion to quash and told the grand jury to try again, this time with a subpoena that only required the production of information relevant to its investigation.

In a similar 2006 Pennsylvania case, the court found that a grand jury subpoena for an ESD was overbroad and vacated the lower court’s order enforcing it, without prejudice . . . which means the state attorney general’s office could try again with another more carefully drafted subpoena.  The court noted that one way to resolve the problem would be for the lower court to appoint a neutral expert who would review the data on the hard drives and decide what should, and what should not, be produced to the attorney general.   The Pennsylvania court explained, however, that “any direct and compelled transfer to the executive branch of general-use media computer hardware should be pursuant to a due and proper warrant, issued upon probable cause.”

Several years later, in a 2007 New York case,  a federal judge downplayed the dangers of insufficiently particular subpoenas.  The grand jury subpoena in that case sought:

“Computers, hard drives, and any other devices or equipments [sic] capable of storing data or text in any format, including but not limited to cellular tele- phones, personal digital assistants, and any other storage media capable of containing data or text in magnetic, electronic, optical, digital, analog, or any other format, used to store information described above . . .”

The New York court found that, “the subpoena here specifies, albeit broadly, the information that is sought . . .. [I]n the less stringent context of a subpoena [as compared to a warrant], it adequately restricts the production to relevant documents.”  The court thus implicitly questioned the analogy of data stores to file cabinets: as long as a digital store contains some piece of relevant information, the prosecution can demand the production of the entire store. 

However, in a 2006 Maine case, the court took an opposite position, emphasizing the importance of particularity.  The subpoena at issue requested, among other things, “[a]ny computer equipment and storage device capable of being used to commit, further, or store documents or data described [in the subpoena].” 

The Maine court found that requesting all devices “capable of being used” for data storage was, by definition, overbroad under the Fourth Amendment, citing to a number of search warrant cases. Ultimately, the Maine court concluded that a subpoena that “requests the turnover of all computers (and related objects) . . . with no express safeguard against a subsequent rummaging through, and seizure of, irrelevant as well as relevant data . . . cannot withstand Fourth Amendment reasonableness scrutiny, suggesting that the reasonableness standard is met only by subpoenas that explain how relevant data will be distinguished from irrelevant data.

Most recently, the Ninth Circuit chimed in to “take the opportunity to guide our district and magistrate judges in the proper administration of search warrants and grand jury subpoenas for electronically stored information.” Specifically, the Ninth Circuit emphasized the reality that over-seizing is an inherent part of the electronic search process” and called “for greater vigilance on the part of judicial officers in striking the right balance between the government’s interest in law enforcement and the right of individuals to be free from unreasonable searches and seizures.”

The FBI Discovery of Abedin/Clinton Emails on the Weiner Laptop Computer

Finding comingled data on one single laptop like the Weiner laptop computer, e.g. belonging to Abedin and pertaining to irrelevant activities, is not unusual and will trigger certain law enforcement protocols. 

Few computers are dedicated to a single purpose; rather, computers can perform many functions, such as “postal services, playgrounds, jukeboxes, dating services, movie theaters, daily planners, shopping malls, personal secretaries, virtual diaries, and more.”  Thus, almost every hard drive encountered by law enforcement will contain records that have nothing to do with the investigation. The Fourth Amendment governs how investigators may search among the commingled records to isolate those records that are called for by the warrant.

The Supreme Court has noted that in a search of commingled records, “it is certain that some innocuous documents will be examined, at least cursorily, in order to determine whether they are, in fact, among those papers authorized to be seized.”  Therefore, responsible officials, including judicial officials, must take care to assure that searches are conducted “in a manner that minimizes unwarranted intrusions upon privacy.”

For instance, when an FBI Agent encounters data on a laptop outside the scope of a search warrant, such as with the Abedin/Clinton emails found during its ostensibly unrelated search of the Weiner laptop computer, courts have set forth guidelines for an agent’s review of commingled records to identify data (such as emails) that fall within the scope of a warrant. 

Some older cases appear to suggest that when agents executing a search encounter commingled records, they should seize the records, and then seek additional approval from the magistrate before proceeding – which appears to be the situation with the Weiner laptop computer.

For example, the Ninth Circuit, writing about a search of paper files in an age before computer searches were common, suggested that in the “comparatively rare instances” where “documents are so intermingled that they cannot feasibly be sorted on site,” law enforcement “can avoid violating fourth amendment rights by sealing and holding the documents pending approval by a magistrate of a further search.”

One leading case allows a “brief perusal” of each document, and requires that “the perusal must cease at the point of which the warrant’s inapplicability to each document is clear,” just like, “the police may look through . . . file cabinets, files and similar items and briefly peruse their contents to determine whether they are among the documentary items to be seized.”

The Second Weiner Search Warrant

If a document falls outside the scope of the warrant but nonetheless is incriminating, that document’s “seizure” is permissible only if during that brief perusal the document’s “otherwise incriminating character becomes obvious.”  This was probably the situation with the Weiner laptop computer: while the existence of the Clinton/Abedin emails was clear, their relevance and inculpatory value was probably not. 

It appears that Director Comey’s team was following DOJ guidelines, which state that when it becomes necessary for an investigator to personally examine a computer file to determine whether it falls within the scope of the warrant, the investigator must take all necessary steps to analyze the file thoroughly, but the investigator should cease the examination of that file as soon as it becomes clear that the warrant does not apply to that file.  This is perhaps why Director Comey appeared to have little idea of the content of the actual Clinton/Abedin emails – and only knew of their existence. 

Obtaining the second warrant can be critical.  In a 1999 federal case, detectives obtained a warrant to search the defendant’s computer for records of narcotics sales.  Searching the computer back at the police station, a detective discovered images of child pornography.  At that point, the detective “abandoned the search for drug-related evidence” and instead searched the entire hard drive for evidence of child pornography.  The Tenth Circuit suppressed the child pornography, holding that the subsequent search for child pornography exceeded the scope of the original warrant because law enforcement may not expand the scope of a search beyond its original justification.

Weiner’s Consent to Search His Laptop

The issue of consenting to a search, whether of a computer, a premises or even of a person, can be a confusing one. In computer crime cases, where devices such as a laptop are at issue, two consent issues arise particularly often. 

First, when does a search exceed the scope of consent? For example, when someone consents to the search of a location, to what extent does the consent authorize the retrieval of information stored in computers at the location?

Second, who is the proper party to consent to a search? Do spouses (or estranged spouses like Weiner) roommates, friends, and parents have the authority to consent to a search of another person’s computer files?

With respect to the search of Weiner’s laptop, the nature and scope of Weiner’s consent was probably an issue – which is another reason why the FBI had to request that DOJ apply for a second search warrant. 

Computer cases often raise the question of whether general consent to search a location or item implicitly includes consent to access the memory of electronic storage devices encountered during the search. In such cases, courts look to whether the particular circumstances of the investigator’s request for consent implicitly or explicitly limited the scope of the search to a particular type, scope, or duration. Because this approach ultimately relies on fact-driven notions of common sense, results reached in published judicial decisions have hinged upon subtle (if not entirely inscrutable) distinctions.

In matters like those involving the Weiner laptop computer, when FBI agents obtain consent for one reason (a possible illicit relationship with a 15-year-old girl) but then conduct a search for another reason (misuse of classified information), the FBI agents must be careful to make sure that the scope of consent encompasses their actual search.

Whatever method the FBI is using to review the Weiner laptop computer is probably permissible, even if Weiner’s counsel negotiated a specific method for the electronic review of the Weiner laptop computer.  The scope of consent usually relates to the target item, location, and purpose of the search, rather than the search methodology used.

For example, in a 2005 federal case, an FBI agent received permission to conduct a “complete search” of the defendant’s computer for child pornography. The agent explained that he would use a “pre-search” disk to find and display image files, allowing the agent to easily ascertain whether any images contained child pornography.  When the disk, for unexplained reasons, failed to function, the agent conducted a manual search for images, eventually discovering several pieces of child pornography. Although the agent ultimately used a different search methodology than the one he described to the defendant, the court approved the manual search because it did not exceed the scope of the described disk search.

Consent and Search Methodology

Even though both he and Abedin use it, Weiner can likely give consent to search the laptop.   Absent an affirmative showing that the consenting spouse has no access to the computer searched (physical access, as in a separate locked room or technological access, as in password protected), the courts generally hold that either spouse may consent to a search of all of the couple’s property.  Even a wife who had left her husband could consent to search of jointly-owned home even though the husband had changed the locks.

Spousal Consent

Most spousal consent searches are valid, sometimes even when estranged, as is the case between Weiner and Abedin. For example, in one 1998 Illinois case, a man named Smith was living with a woman named Ushman and her two daughters.  When allegations of child molestation were raised against Smith, Ushman consented to the search of his computer, which was located in the house in an alcove connected to the master bedroom.

Although Ushman used Smith’s computer only rarely, the district court held that she could consent to the search of Smith’s computer. Because Ushman was not prohibited from entering the alcove and Smith had not password-protected the computer, the court reasoned, she had authority to consent to the search. Even if she lacked actual authority to consent, the court added, she had apparent authority to consent.

ESDs and Privileged Communications

With respect to any communications on the Weiner laptop computer with specially protected relationships such as with their counsel or their doctor, FBI agents must exercise special care when orchestrating their computer search, which could result in the seizure of legally privileged documents such as medical records or attorney-client communications.

Two issues must be considered. First, agents must make sure that the search will not violate the attorney general’s regulations relating to obtaining confidential information from disinterested third parties. Second, agents should devise a strategy for reviewing the seized computer files following the search so that no breach of a privilege occurs.

Along those lines, the FBI agents performing the search of the Weiner laptop computer will have likely devised a post-seizure strategy for screening out the privileged files and will have likely describes that strategy in their search warrant affidavit.

If The FBI Did Not Obtain a Second Search Warrant for the Weiner Laptop Computer

According to DOJ guidelines, in situations like the Weiner laptop computer email discoveries, if the FBI decides against obtaining a second search warrant, there are other options for reviewing the newly discovered data — though the preferred practices for determining who precisely will comb through potentially unrelated files varies widely among different courts.  In general, however, there are three options.

First, the court itself may review the files in camera.  Second, the presiding judge may appoint a neutral third party known as a “special master” to the task of reviewing the files. Third, a team of prosecutors or agents who are not working on the case may form a “filter team” or “taint team” to help execute the search and review the files afterwards. The filter team sets up a so-called “ethical wall” between the evidence and the prosecution team, permitting only unprivileged files to pass over the wall – and insuring that its procedures adequately protect the defendants’ rights and no prejudice occurred.

Thus. with respect to the Weiner laptop computer, DOJ could, for example, have asked the chief judge of the federal district handling the Weiner investigation to appoint a court-supervised special master to take charge of the Clinton/Abedin emails.  

Using procedures fair to both law enforcement and to Weiner and Abedin, a special master could determine if the emails reveal evidence of a crime. The drawback of this scenario is that the FBI would be ceding control of the investigation to a third party (almost like when DOJ appoints an independent prosecutor), an option which can have dramatic and unanticipated consequences. 

Governmental Regulatory Investigations and ESD 

Civil investigations and the demand or subpoena of ESDs from civil regulatory agencies, as opposed to criminal law enforcement agencies, presents an entirely different paradigm, and is unfortunately too often wholly misunderstood. 

Consider the SEC’s current practice of issuing administrative subpoenas for ESDs in their civil litigation and administrative proceedings involving securities schemes, such as insider trading, market manipulation and financial reporting fraud.  

The SEC is an exceptional federal government agency — staffed with a dedicated corps of highly-credentialed professionals, inspired by a noble sense of mission, and rich with an 80+ year history of investor advocacy. But sometimes the SEC gets carried away and exceeds their statutory authority.  This is the case with the SEC’s recent use of subpoenas demanding witnesses provide their ESDs to the SEC staff.

SEC ESD Subpoenas: De Facto Search Warrants

The SEC’s authority for subpoenas is derived from Section 21 of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, the same act that established the SEC on June 6th, of that year. The Act specifically states:

“For the purpose of any such investigation, or any other proceeding under this title, any member of the Commission or any officer designated by it, is empowered to administer oaths and affirmations, subpoena witnesses, compel their attendance, take evidence, and require the production of any books, papers, correspondence, memoranda, or other records which the Commission deems relevant or material to the inquiry…” (emphasis added)

The SEC right to access ‘‘records’’ clearly contemplates something akin to a document (or other form of data) and nowhere in any statute, rule or regulation is the staff granted authority to access physical equipment such as a file cabinet containing documents, whether that file cabinet is made of metal, wood or circuitry. This means that the SEC’s subpoena for ESD is more akin to an unlawful seizure than a rightful document demand.

In addition to the questionable legality of the practice of subpoenaing devices, as mentioned earlier, the risks of turning over a device to the SEC without defense counsel’s proper review of that device are considerable.

  • First, the “active data” on these devices could include irrelevant private and personal information of the user, as well as the user’s friends, family, colleagues, clients, customers, etc. The devices could also include information protected by domestic or foreign statute or requiring notice of disclosure per contract. Information loaded onto the machine by another user, or privileged communications with counsel or attorney work product could also be on the machine.
  • Second, most users have no idea of the contents of the so-called “inactive data” on their ESDs, such as deleted recoverable files, or data located in the hard drive’s unallocated space or slack space, found during a digital forensic deep dive of a hard drive.

Given the SEC’s lengthy list of its Routine Uses of Information (contained in its Forms 1662 and 1661, and given to all witnesses), the SEC staff can refer any information it discovers (whether active data or inactive data) to any other investigative, prosecutorial, regulatory authority and a slew of other agencies and organizations. Thus, the ramifications of the SEC’s misguided ESD subpoenas are quite serious and could result in a witness, who is merely being investigated for a civil regulatory investigation, to be carted off in handcuffs for a wholly unrelated criminal violation relating to information found on his or her laptop computer. 

The SEC’s “Neutral” Solution

When analyzing ESDs, the SEC digital forensics lab theoretically operates as an in-house neutral examiner, in order to advise the SEC investigatory staff with candor, veracity and transparency.

Along those lines, the SEC typically offers a compromise to witnesses who object to producing their ESDs. Specifically, the SEC offers the witness the alternative of producing their ESDs to the SEC digital forensics lab, rather than to the SEC’s investigators. The lab team will then search the ESDs, and, in turn, only provide relevant, non-privileged and otherwise relevant data to the SEC investigatory team.

This is a potentially foolish and dangerous arrangement for SEC witnesses.

First off, the SEC forensics team is not adequately positioned (or trained) to advocate on behalf of a witness and parse the data appropriately. Moreover, just like the SEC investigatory staff, the SEC forensic staff cannot waive the SEC’s Routine Uses of Information cited above. In fact, the SEC forensics team may be lawfully required to share the witnesses’ data with other law enforcement authorities, such as possible top secret or otherwise classified data; possible child pornography; or data that might relate to a crime. Once a witness produces an ESD to the government, that ESD is no longer in the witness’s possession, custody or control, instead every byte of that ESD now belongs to the government.

SEC Subpoena Enforcement

SEC subpoenas are administrative subpoenas that are not self-enforcing — i.e., unlike grand jury subpoenas, there is no formal avenue of objection other than to refuse to comply. Once the SEC can establish a witness’s non-compliance of a subpoena, the SEC must then file a federal court case, asking a judge to order a witness to comply with that subpoena.

Yet defense counsel are loath to refuse to comply with SEC subpoenas; thus, like grand jury objections, there is a paucity case law on the subject. Why? Because refusing to comply with an SEC subpoena can:

  • Strike a perceivably uncooperative tone with the SEC staff, which can reduce the likelihood of receiving any form of cooperation credit later on;
  • Trigger a costly and injurious SEC subpoena enforcement action. Defending an SEC federal action is not only expensive, the SEC subpoena enforcement action also provides the SEC the chance to air any of its preliminary investigative findings in a public filing—which are normally kept confidential until the filing of an actual an enforcement action;
  • Prompt the SEC staff to seek a broad and sweeping asset freeze; and
  • Rile the SEC staff inadvertently, escalating the SEC’s interest in a witness or creating other unintended consequences that increase unwanted, unnecessary and costly investigative scrutiny.

The Future of Federal Civil Subpoenas for ESDs

Historically, logistical concerns, rather than legal constraints, hindered a civil agency’s use of overbroad subpoenas. An overbroad subpoena could result in a witness’ “backing up the truck” to that agency’s headquarters and dumping hundreds or even thousands of boxes of documents in response, creating a logistical nightmare, not just to review, but even to inventory, causing lengthy investigation delays.

But those days are long gone. Document productions that filled warehouses and required months for legions of government regulators and analysts to review now merely require a silicon microchip for their storage, and a few hours (or even minutes) for one reviewer to scrutinize.  

Technology has transformed the investigative playing field, empowering civil federal agencies in pioneering ways to examine, segregate and peruse data.  To their credit, when it comes to electronic evidence in particular, the SEC and other civil agencies have become more creative, more resourceful and more effective than ever.

However, the fact that technology facilitates search and seizures does not mean the SEC or any other civil regulatory agency has the authority to do so. Unlike the FBI and the U.S. Department of Justice, the SEC and other civil regulators are not criminal agencies and operate under their own unique, and far less limiting, civil legal framework.  

For instance, unlike criminal agencies, the SEC makes no distinction among targets, subjects or witnesses, which means that throughout an SEC investigation innocent bystanders are treated exactly the same as suspected perpetrators.  Also, unlike grand jury subpoenas and search warrants, SEC administrative subpoenas rarely (if ever) are even seen by a judge, let alone approved by one.

Conclusion

It was quite a shock when the imbroglio resulting from Anthony Weiner’s sexting scandal and possible criminal behavior suddenly spilled over into the 2016 presidential race. But beyond the sordid allegations and endless cable news and social media chatter, it is clear that unique and crucial issues arise when searching ESDs, like a laptop computer, for evidence. 

While the availability of ESDs is a boon for government investigators, it also raises the danger that a grand jury or governmental investigatory agency can too easily engage in arbitrary fishing expeditions that can easily trample upon fundamental statutory and constitutional rights.  

Given in particular the CSI-like high-tech wizardry now routinely used by the government to collect, warehouse and review digital evidence, there has emerged a new field of legal expertise, where a mastery of precedent and criminal procedure is no longer enough to safeguard individual rights. Nowadays, much more is required, including a comprehensive understanding of terabyte-storing devices and cloud servers; digital forensic and data analytics; electronic search protocols; and a host of other emerging evidentiary-related technological hardware and virtual procedures.

*John Reed Stark is President of John Reed Stark Consulting LLC, a data breach response and digital compliance firm. Formerly, Mr. Stark served for almost 20 years in the Enforcement Division of the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission, the last 11 of which as Chief of its Office of Internet Enforcement. He also worked for 15 years as an Adjunct Professor of Law at the Georgetown University Law Center, where he taught several courses on the juxtaposition of law, technology and crime, and for five years as managing director of a global data breach response firm, including three years heading its Washington, D.C. office. Mr. Stark is the author of, “The Cybersecurity Due Diligence Handbook,” available as an eBook on Amazon, iBooks and other booksellers.

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Woman who exposed Weiner says she ‘capitalized’ on sexting scandal by doing porn

PORN AGAIN

THE woman whose X-rated relationship with Anthony Weiner secured his downfall has revealed in a new interview how she “capitalized” on the sexting scandal by doing porn.

Sydney Leather claims that people already thought she was a “w****” after her raunchy texts with convicted sex offender Weiner torpedoed his 2013 New York City Mayoral run. 

Sydney Leather claims she 'capitalized' with porn after the sex scandal

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Sydney Leather claims she ‘capitalized’ with porn after the sex scandalCredit: Instagram/Sydney Leathers

She had an X-rated relationship with Anthony Weiner

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She had an X-rated relationship with Anthony WeinerCredit: Copyright 2016 The Associated Press. All rights reserved.

He had previously been outed for sending explicit photos to women

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He had previously been outed for sending explicit photos to women

Weiner was married to Hillary Clinton’s top aide Huma Abedin at the time the sexts were revealed, coming only a year after a previous lewd photo led to his departure from Congress.  

He messaged Indiana native Leather, then 22 years old, under the alias “Carlos Danger.”  

Leathers, now 31, has since become a star in porn, performing on Pornhub and OnlyFans, while going to college and getting her degree. 

“I felt like the societal stigma was already there in such a real way,” Leathers told The Business of Business in a new Q&A. 

Leathers became a fan on Pornhub and OnlyFans

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Leathers became a fan on Pornhub and OnlyFansCredit: Instagram/Sydney Leathers

She said she has also gone to college since the scandal

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She said she has also gone to college since the scandalCredit: Instagram/Sydney Leathers

Leathers hit out at Weiner saying he would make an NFT from one of his pictures

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Leathers hit out at Weiner saying he would make an NFT from one of his picturesCredit: Instagram/Sydney Leathers

“And with it being my legal name, I just felt like it wasn’t much of a leap to then do porn. It was just like, ‘Oh, well, people already think I’m a whore.’”

Leathers added that she is “blessed” with a porn-star-sounding name and so it was a natural step. 

She did hit out at Weiner, however, after he mentioned in a recent interview with the New York Times that he wants to “cash in” on the photo that first got him into trouble in 2011. 

In May of that year, he had used his public Twitter profile to send a sexually explicit photograph of himself to a woman who was following him.  

After initially denying he sent the link, Weiner later admitted to exchanging messages and photos of a sexual nature with about six women and resigned from Congress. 

Weiner, who is a registered sex offender, had mentioned plans to sell the initial picture as an NFT, a nonfungible token that can be traded on blockchain technology.  

She said she now focuses on her work

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She said she now focuses on her workCredit: Instagram/Sydney Leathers

Leathers said she could have become homeless after the scandal

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Leathers said she could have become homeless after the scandalCredit: Instagram/Sydney Leathers

“I don’t know the rules behind like sex offenders selling [such an NFT], but it seems sketchy. … And it seems like his parole officer, or whoever he checks in with needs to be like, ‘Hey, not a good idea,’” Leathers claimed.

In the interview, Leathers also compared herself to Monica Lewinsky as she suggested that she did not have the same support available when she lost her job in 2013 when the scandal erupted. 

“It was upsetting, like, I’m somebody who comes from a family who has nothing,” Leathers said.

“No shade to Monica Lewinsky, I think she’s great. But she comes from a different situation. She was never going to potentially be homeless because of what she went through.

“I literally could have been homeless. I didn’t have anybody to like, live with, and recuperate. I didn’t have anybody who could help me make rent. I had no one, I was on my own.”

Leathers has also said she’s come a long way since the scandal almost a decade ago. 

Weiner was wrapped up in several sexting scandals

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Weiner was wrapped up in several sexting scandalsCredit: Handout

The scandal with Leathers destroyed Weiner's mayoral campaign

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The scandal with Leathers destroyed Weiner’s mayoral campaignCredit: AP:Associated Press

“I’ve been in trauma therapy. I went to college, I got my degree,” she told the publication. 

“For everybody who thought I was a ‘fame whore’ — I stayed in the Midwest. Like you know what I mean? I didn’t move to LA seeking fame. I’m a very like normal, boring person actually,” the Indiana resident added.

“Now I focus on my job. My job is really like my passion. And then my other passion is helping stray cats. I foster kittens, I get stray cats spayed and neutered in my community.”

Weiner is a registered sex offender after having served time for sending explicit photos to a 15-year-old girl in 2016.

The former congressman represented New York’s 9th district, having taken over from current Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer when Schumer won his Senate race in 1999.

Weiner was married to top Clinton aide Huma Abedin at the time

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Weiner was married to top Clinton aide Huma Abedin at the timeCredit: Reuters

Weiner was well-liked by the voting population, winning seven terms between January 1999 and June 2011, and never receiving less than 60 percent of the vote.

He was also well-connected, as his wife, Huma Abedin, served as one of former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s top aides. Former President Bill Clinton even officiated their wedding. 

The couple is currently estranged after Abedin filed for divorce but then withdrew the motion.

The ex-representative has a number of sexting scandals under his belt, resigning from office in 2011 after the racy photos he sent to a woman were publicized on Twitter.

He also texted with a 17-year-old girl from Delaware, which was investigated by cops. 

When confronted about communicating with the girl, Weiner denied sending any inappropriate messages.

On May 29, 2017, the rep pleaded guilty to another unrelated sexting charge after sending a sexually explicit image to a minor.

He was sentenced to 21 months in jail, paid a $10,000 fine, and had to register as a sex offender.

Sex offender ex-Congressman Anthony Weiner denies his underage sexting scandal caused Hillary Clinton to lose 2016 election to Donald Trump